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In examining the economic and cultural trs that expressed America's expansionist impulse during the first half of the twentieth century, Emily S. Rosenberg shows how U.S. foreign relations evolved from a largely private system to an increasingly public one and how, soon, the American dream became global.
- Sales Rank: #379547 in Books
- Published on: 1982-02-01
- Released on: 1982-02-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x .61" w x 5.50" l, .80 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 264 pages
Review
“This stimulating essay combines intellectual, economic, and diplomatic history [and] provides fresh insights into the way governmental power was used to shape the American domestic marketplace, and how that visible hand was again used overseas.” ―Walter LaFeber, Cornell University
About the Author
Emily Rosenberg is professor of history at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota, and, with her husband, Norman L. Rosenberg, co-author of In Our Times: American Since World War II.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Spreading the American Dream
OneINTRODUCTION: THE AMERICAN DREAMTHE COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION OF 1893A SPECTACULAR World's Fair, the Columbian Exposition, opened in Chicago in 1893. Acres of classical buildings, constructed especially for the fair, created an urban wonderland; it glittered with artistic splendor and burgeoned with America's latest technological achievements. After a visit to this White City, the French novelist and critic Paul Bourget wrote: "Chicago, the enormous town we see expanding, the gigantic plant which grows before our eyes seems now in this wonderfully new country to be in advance of the age. But is not this more or less true of all America?"Bourget's comment was the kind Americans liked to quote; the exposition's exhibitors displayed their hopes for their country and for the world. Contrived and temporary, this Dream City flaunted America's faiths and glossed over its contradictions. Glamour triumphed over decay; time seemed suspended near the peak of perfection. From John Winthrop to Ralph Waldo Emerson to Josiah Strong, many Americans had thought, or hoped, that their country had escaped from history, that America was not just another power that would rise and then decline but that it was the quintessential civilization that would permanently culminate some long progression toward human betterment. Here, in rhetoric, iron, and stone, were the ideas and products that Americans prized and believedothers would gratefully accept. In the Dream City, America's most significant gifts to the twentieth-century world were already apparent: advanced technology and mass culture.The amazing scientific and technological innovations of America's farmers--displayed in Agriculture Hall--overwhelmed viewers and demonstrated the United States' importance as an exporter of primary products. Impressive displays of wheat, corn, and other crops from the prairie states bespoke opulence and plenty. In this pavilion, at least, there was no mention of the overproduction, the falling prices, and the crushing debts plaguing the Midwest and attracting converts to the populist revolt.Perched on a platform in one section of Agriculture Hall was a huge globe with an array of farm machines, all American-made, revolving around its circumference. America's preeminence in agricultural machinery was unmistakable, and manufacturers looked toward potential markets in the new and still-expanding farming frontiers of Manchuria, Siberia, Australia, Mexico, and Argentina. America's leading food processors, some already well known abroad, also displayed their latest techniques and products: Cudahy and Swift proudly showed beef extract; Gail Borden lined up cans of condensed milk; sugar refiners and soapmakers touted their innovations.Transportation Hall showed off the "engines of progress" that had opened the prairies to commercial cultivation. Railroad companies built massive Grecian-style pavilions and used full-size models to illustrate the historical development of locomotives. The Pullman Company escorted visitors through an entire train, to show its luxurious sleeping and dining quarters. The railroad's prominent place at Chicago seemed appropriate: promoters presented the railroad as a major civilizing force, one bringing prosperity, communication, and understanding to the world.The Pullman Company treated fairgoers to a large model of its other proud creation--the industrial town of Pullman. The neat workers' quarters, company stores, and cultural centers depicted an idyllic scene of industrial contentment. Within a few months, the great Pullman labor strike would mar the picture, permanently associating the town with class violence instead of harmony. But labor discontent, like farmers' revolts, had no place at Chicago. At the fair, Pullman was the promise of the future.Other transportation exhibits heralded America's new world-wide role. Pneumatic conveyors promised to revolutionize retailing by eliminating bottlenecks in the distribution of goods. Elevators effortlessly transported people and goods. A model of a canal across Nicaragua showed how modern technology might bisect Central America and stimulate American trade with Asia. The International Navigation Company erected a full-size section of an ocean steamer, showing the numerous decks and the different classes of staterooms and dining rooms. Twenty thousand people a day visited this lavishly outfitted "ship," absorbing the idea that comfort and luxury were now the rule in ocean travel. The day of the American tourist traversing the globe was still in its infancy, but the crowds at Chicago indicated tourism's potential.The vehicle exhibit lacked steam-, electric-, or petroleum-driven carriages, but future trends were evident all the same. American carriages were lighter and cheaper than European models. Unlike their competitors, they were, in the words of one commentator, made by "modern machinery and the systematic methods of large manufactories." They contrasted with the fine British coaches, which, the same American commentator noted, were "interesting on account of their style, long since out of fashion." Even before the automobile age, advanced technology and mass appeal distinguished America's transportation industry.Machinery Hall also emphasized technological wizardry. There, the White City's massive power plant, run by Westinghouse's huge engine-dynamo units, generated electrical power in quantities never before produced. Oil, rather than coal, was used for fuel, and Standard Oil built a forty-mile experimental pipeline that carried the fuel into the fair. Fifteen electric motors distributed the electricity throughout the fairgrounds, clearly demonstrating advanced techniques of power transmission. Half this power flowed to the most amazing exhibit of all--Westinghouse's incandescent lighting system. Illuminating the entire fairgrounds and its buildings, this system constituted the largest central power station in the United States. Not to be outdone, General Electric erected a ten-foot, 6,000-pound searchlight--the largest in the world--and powered the Edison Tower of Light, a seventy-eight-foot shaft glowing with thousands of colored flashing lights. Chicago's fair awesomely demonstrated the new electrical age.At Electricity Hall, power set in motion a mechanical world that seemed as marvelous in 1893 as it would seem commonplace in 1945. Most visitors got their first look at electric trolleys, long-distance phones, and electrical heaters. Edison's new kinetograph, in conjunction with a phonograph, visually reproduced an orator's movements and then synchronized these movements with the sound of his voice. G.E.'s elevated electric railroad safely speeded the huge crowds around the grounds. Other machinery exhibits highlighted Americans' talent for substituting technology for labor. All the fair's restaurants used dishwashing machines, and there were laundry and pressing machines, soapmaking machines, steamrollers, automatic sprinklers, street cleaners, and a machine that quickly weighed and bagged several tons of ground coffee a day. American sewing-machine companies such as Singer displayed improved versions of the home sewing machine. The Daily Columbian, a special World's Fair newspaper, spun off the latest steam-powered presses at the rate of eight hundred copies a minute. For one souvenir issue, workers placed pulp in a machine to make paper, composed the text on a linotype, printed, and distributed a finished newspaper--all in sixty-three minutes.Most startling in their diversity were the special machines for making boots and shoes. An expert operator using an improved sewing machine could sew nine hundred pairs of shoes a day; a "rivet and stud" machine inserted ninety rivets and studs per minute; a heeling machine drove three hundred nails per minute; a "burnishing and bottom-polishing and uppercleaning" machine finished the shoe for market. In all, more than a score of different processes contributed to making a single shoe.In contrast to the fair's technological originality, its artistic styles were imitative and familiar. Ironically, exposition planners, who defined art as the statuary and painting of an elite European tradition, refused to give a place to one of America's most successful and unique "artistic" creations: Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show. But encamped outside the gates and across the street from the White City, the show attracted huge, enthusiastic crowds. An early yet fully developed expression of America's mass culture, Buffalo Bill's extravaganza became one of the Dream City's most popular exhibits. In Chicago, Americans flaunted the cheap mass products,the dazzling technology, and the alluring mass culture that, in the coming century, they would spread throughout the world.THE IDEOLOGY OF LIBERAL-DEVELOPMENTALISMThis American dream of high technology and mass consumption was both promoted and accompanied by an ideology1 that I shall call liberal-developmentalism. Reflected in partial form by some of the 3,817 lecturers who spoke in 1893 at the World Congress Auxiliary to the Columbian Exposition, this ideology matured during the twentieth century. Liberal-developmentalism merged nineteenth-century liberal tenets with the historical experience of America's own development, elevating the beliefs and experiences of America's unique historical time and circumstance into developmental laws thought to be applicable everywhere.The ideology of liberal-developmentalism can be broken into five major features: (1) belief that other nations could and should replicate America's own developmental experience; (2) faith in private free enterprise; (3) support for free or open access for trade and investment; (4) promotion of free flow of information and culture; and (5) growing acceptance of governmental activity to protect private enterprise and to stimulate and regulate American participation in international economi...
Most helpful customer reviews
32 of 33 people found the following review helpful.
An illuminating look at U.S. diplomacy from 1890-1945
By Daniel Jolley
I found this book to be more informative and unbiased than I expected. Since Rosenberg approaches her subject from a revisionist standpoint, I feared there would be a politicized undercurrent that would turn me off. Rosenberg's thesis is well-stated and clearly explained. She examines America's economic and cultural expansion in the period between 1890 and 1945 (although she dips rather significantly at times into the late 1940s). What she discovers is a steady progression from private activity to government-led efforts to expand America's influence in the world. At the heart of her study is an ideological concept she calls liberal developmentalism; this uniquely American thinking was, she posits, pervasive in American government and culture by 1890. Americans believed their system was the best in the world and that the export of the American system (free trade, free enterprise, the free flow of information) throughout the world would guarantee America's economic preeminence while building up weaker nations and ultimately securing world peace. American motives were quite selfish, as expansionism seemed to hold the only solution for the depression of the 1890s, but Americans also truly believed the world would benefit by Americanization. She identifies three distinct eras: a "promotional state" from the 1890s up until World War I, in which the government took a hands-off approach to diplomacy while American entrepreneurs and investors worked hard to expand their business to foreign markets; a "cooperative state" in the 1920s, in which government publicly appeared to stay out of diplomatic wrangling but behind the scenes sought to guide investment that would benefit the United States, even if it involved monopolies or American-dominated cartels; and a "regulatory state" in the 1930s and beyond, in which the government actively began to seek the means by which to control the world economy that had fallen into depression as a result of the long-term failures of the cooperative approach. The Great Depression and spread of fascism convinced Roosevelt and others to seek the reins of the world economy.
Rosenberg points out the contradictory nature of American policy. While espousing free trade and free access, America continued to employ protectionist tariffs and did not mind the lack of free access for other nations in American-dominated zones of interest. She clearly explains how de facto diplomacy by private businessmen, while successful in the short-term, was helpless to stop the terrible descent into economic bad times. She easily shows that America was far from isolationist during the first three decades of the twentieth century despite appearances to the contrary. The subject I found most interesting in the book had to do with the export of American cultural values. Rosenberg provides an enlightening discussion of movies/radio, communications, philanthropy, and missionary work in spreading the American way of life to other countries. While this is a rather dry book at times, the discussion of cultural issues is a fascinating examination of a topic often overlooked by authors in this field of study.
The historian in me does frown upon Rosenberg's lack of footnotes. While she does provide a helpful bibliography at the end of the book, the lack of distinct, verifiable citations robs a little bit of the authority so eloquently expressed in her thesis. All in all, though, the book presents a compelling and forceful argument and provides a valuable new insight into the history of post-1890 American diplomacy.
14 of 18 people found the following review helpful.
Review of "Spreading the American Dream" by UH Grad Student
By J. A. Hernandez
Emily Rosenberg contends that "American expansion was dominated by and ideology of 'liberal developmentalism' that used the rhetoric of peace, prosperity, and democracy to promote Americanizing the world in the name of modernization." From the 1890s to 1945, "America's economic and cultural influence spread worldwide," simultaneously infiltrating the many crevices of foreign countries and markets alike. According to Rosenberg, "this American dream of high technology and mass consumption was both promoted and accompanied by an ideology...[of] liberal-developmentalism... this ideology matured during the twentieth century...[an ideology] that merged nineteenth-century liberal tenets with the historical experience of America's own development, elevating the beliefs and experiences of America's unique historical time and circumstance into developmental laws thought to be applicable everywhere."
This ideology, according to the author, is a term used to describe "the system of beliefs, values, fears, prejudices, reflexes, and commitments--in sum, the social consciousness of the Americans--which generally dominated the expansion of America's influence into foreign lands." Moreover, "ideology is viewed as a 'political weapon, manipulated consciously in ongoing struggles for legitimacy and power, as an instrument for creating and controlling organizations." In the context of previous class discussions, particularly in terms of internalized notions of North American superiority and racism, one is struck with the historical thread that connects the ideas and practices of each generation and how those concepts are then weaved and contorted to fit the mold of a justifiable international expansionism. Indeed, Rosenberg herself concludes, "most Americans believed that Protestant Christianity was a spiritual precondition for modernization... [thus] religious duty and national destiny fused together," an idea reminiscent of Max Weber's famous thesis.
The ideology of liberal-developmentalism, according to the author, can be broken down into five major features: "(1) belief that other nations could and should replicate America's own developmental experience; (2) faith in private free enterprise; (3) support for free or open access for trade and investment; (4) promotion of free flow of information and culture; and (5) growing acceptance of governmental activity to protect private enterprise and to stimulate and regulate American participation in international economic and cultural exchange." This ideology, particularly during the so-called "Great Depression" of 1929, ignited the stagnating economy of the US during one of the worst financial slumps of the century. Private economic expansion overseas and corporate determination decided-early on-the direction that US policy would take in terms of monopolizing various companies and, in effect, legalizing a number of "cartels."
In tune with Thomas Ferguson's article, Rosenberg essentially states that previous notions of the "Great Depression" warrant some revisions and reconsideration, chiefly in terms of benevolent policies geared towards workers and the dispossessed. Ferguson states, for instance, that "a clear view of the New Deal's world historical uniqueness and significance comes only when one breaks with most of the commentaries of the last thirty years, goes back to primary sources, and attempts to analyze the New Deal as a whole in the light of explicit theories about industrial structure, party competition, and public policy. Then what stands out is the novel type of political coalition that Roosevelt built. At the center of this coalition, however, are not the workers, blacks, and poor who have preoccupied liberal commentators, but something else: a new "historical bloc (in Gramsci's phrase) of capital-intensive industries, investment banks, and internationally oriented commercial banks." Furthermore, "This bloc constitutes the basis of the New Deals great and, in world history, utterly unique achievement: its ability to accommodate millions of mobilized workers amidst world depression."
The genius of Rosenberg, if I may call it that, is her ability to synthesize various works and ideas current during this period: both contemporary and historical. What she fails to provide, however, are some of the other variables intertwined with questions of overseas expansion and the corporate decisions that took place as a result of these variables and how those ideas found their way to the popular culture and ideas of the average American. This is to say that the connections between the liberal developmentalists and the government's programs supporting an open door policy do not connect with the popular ideas of the people themselves.
With these few critiques aside, though, Rosenberg and Ferguson's theses together overthrow the historical straw man of popular depression-era history. Yet, the more we examine the origins and outcomes of the Great Depression of 1929 the more we discover that diplomatic history has yet to fill in the historiographical void of numerous New Deal Policies, especially the effects thereafter. For instance, Robert Freeman Smith's article on the historical origins of the Pax Americana reveal yet another facet of foreign relations and its implications for an informal overseas empire, particularly the US's military policy and its declining capability in the middle of the depression. In discussing the Republican administration prior to Roosevelt, Smith states that "they were deeply involved in the task of developing and refining the tactics of informal empire--the Pax Americana." Additionally, these officials "were trying to utilize nonmilitary tactics...[which in turn] placed limitations on the extent of governmental involvement (or meddling)." Ironically, however, in the absence of a "strong" military, capital investments overseas, particularly in Latin America, served as the foundation of later underdevelopment on those countries that would later become dependent on the world market economy.
In the context of Latin American countries the policies that emerged following the depression of 1929 have yet to be analyzed in their totality: economic (including corporate), military, cultural, diplomatic, international, and ethnocentric ideas consistent with the times. Here I am simply saying that we have yet to receive a panoramic picture of US foreign policy towards Latin America that encompasses the various aspects mentioned above. A few questions are worth mentioning. What factors were involved in North American policies toward Mexico before and after the Good Neighbor Policy? How was the US able to reconcile its notions of atmospheric solidarity with Latin America while simultaneously rounding up Mexicans and Mexican Americans like cattle and forcing them across its southern border? What factors were involved in the occupation of Haiti and Nicaragua, especially in terms of diplomacy, defaults (loans), and military capabilities? What were the advantages and disadvantages of the Good Neighbor Policy for Latin America? In the words of Walter LaFeber, is there a direct correlation between underdevelopment in Central America and the rise of revolutions three and four decades later in that region? Finally, how crucial was Latin America's support to the United States on the eve of WWII?
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Most Favored Nation
By not me
U.S. foreign policy is steeped in the conviction that the export of our free market model is a win/win situation for Americans and foreigners alike. Americans win because our companies can make investments and sell goods in new markets. Foreigners win because the American Way promotes freedom and development everywhere. Call it the Church of the Open Door. It's an open question whether this model really helps foreigners or only locks them into an America-centric global economy. Whatever. The theory lets Americans feel altruistic while making money.
These impulses defined the recent Age of Globalization, when the death of Communism created space for an aggressive Washington push to open global markets. "Spreading the American Dream" documents the same phenomenon in 1890-1945. Early in this period, Washington used private entities such as banks, oil monopolies, and charitable organizations to expand its global footprint. Later, these instruments were superseded by institutions such as GATT and the IMF, and by agencies such as USAID. The methods changed, but the policy continued.
As for the book: "Spreading the American Dream" is elegantly written, well-researched, and realistic about government. I gave it four stars instead of five only because it was published in 1982, making it a bit dated.
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