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A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837, by Paul E. Johnson
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A quarter-century after its first publication, A Shopkeeper's Millennium remains a landmark work--brilliant both as a new interpretation of the intimate connections among politics, economy, and religion during the Second Great Awakening, and as a surprising portrait of a rapidly growing frontier city. The religious revival that transformed America in the 1820s, making it the most militantly Protestant nation on earth and spawning reform movements dedicated to temperance and to the abolition of slavery, had an especially powerful effect in Rochester, New York. Paul E. Johnson explores the reasons for the revival's spectacular success there, suggesting important links between its moral accounting and the city's new industrial world. In a new preface, he reassesses his evidence and his conclusions in this major work.
- Sales Rank: #70974 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Hill and Wang
- Published on: 2004-06-21
- Released on: 2004-06-21
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.18" h x .64" w x 5.51" l, .50 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 240 pages
- Great product!
Review
“This is far more than a study of local history, and more even than a provocative interpretation of the social sources of religious revivalism. It is a brilliant pioneering assault upon the most important unaddressed problem in American historiography--how our society and very personalities were transformed by the rapid advance of the capitalist market in the earlier nineteenth century.” ―Charles Sellers, University of California, Berkeley
“Johnson's book is indispensable for any understanding of the evangelical revival and related reform movements in New York's 'burned-over' district. No less important, Professor Johnson has brilliantly fused the quantitative methods of the 'new social history' with a sparkling style and an imaginative reconstruction of social reality. Both in substantive conclusions and as a model for future regional studies, A Shopkeeper's Millennium is one of the freshest and most exciting books I have read in the past few years.” ―David Brion Davis, Yale University
About the Author
Paul E. Johnson, professor of history at the University of South Carolina, is co-author, with Sean Wilentz, of The Kingdom of Matthias. He lives in Columbia, South Carolina, and Onancock, Virginia.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
A Shopkeeper's Millennium
1EconomyCHARLES FINNEY came to Rochester via the Erie Canal in the autumn of 1830. The route from Albany took him through the Mohawk Valley, then onto the broad plain that forms the southern shore of Lake Ontario. The last fifty miles passed through recently settled land, and on both sides of the canal Finney saw farmhouses and bustling villages surrounded by endless yellow wheatfields. East of the Genesee River, the fields stopped abruptly and Rochester began. Finney's boat crossed a line of new stores and houses, passed high over the river on a stone aqueduct, and delivered him to the center of the nation's newest city.It was a city with the look and feel of a country town.1 Near the boat landing Finney picked his way through horses and wagons that visiting farmers had left at the central intersection. Glancing east, he saw and heard country people hawking produce from stalls on the bridge over the Genesee, while underneath them the famed Rochester mills ground mountains of local wheat into flour. A half block west, farmers auctioned wagons and livestock from the steps of a pretentious new courthouse. Across from the courthouse, sidewalks were clogged with farm families and with displays of shoes and clothing, nails, butter churns, farm tools, hats, and other simple manufactured goods. Had Finney looked upstairs or into the back rooms of some of the stores, he would have found that most Rochesterians were engaged in making those goods. The streets were filled not only with farmers and merchants butwith what Finney may have felt was an uncomfortable number of urban workingmen.Turning south on Fitzhugh Street, the evangelist passed between stately Episcopal and Presbyterian churches and left the downtown crowds behind. Before him stretched a quiet, tree-lined block of Greek Revival mansions. At the end of the block he found the door of a merchant and land speculator named Josiah Bissell. Bissell had invited the preacher to Rochester, and it was his neighbors who would attend Finney's meetings. They were the kinds of provincial entrepreneurs with whom Finney did his best work, men like those who governed the Connecticut and New York villages in which he had grown up. For the wealthiest men in Rochester were merchants, millers, and manufacturers engaged directly in an agricultural economy.TOWN AND COUNTRYCities like Rochester were new in the 1820s. A generation earlier, every urban place in America had been a seaport, standing with its back to the countryside. Merchants in Boston and New York had more contact with their counterparts in London and the West Indies than with farmers a few miles away. Town and country were separate worlds. But after 1815 improvements in inland transportation extended the market and turned farmers into businessmen; inland cities shot up overnight to process and ship farm products, and sometimes to turn them into finished goods for sale back to the farmers. It was in the 1820s that cities and large towns began continuously to grow faster than the countryside. And it was in that decade that Rochester became the fastest-growing community in the United States.2 Standing at the junction of the Erie Canal and the Genesee River, Rochester was the most spectacular of the new cities created by the commercialization of agriculture.The Genesee country was among the prizes of the American Revolution. Title fell to the state of Massachusetts, then to successive groups of speculators, and finally to farmers.3 In the 1790s New Englanders crossed the mountains and began colonizing the Great Lakes Plain; the Genesee Valley was among their first stops. Early in the new century the wilderness gave way to tilled fields and pastures and neat Yankee villages. Links with the east were primitive, and the first settlers produced little more than what they and their neighbors used. The principal crop was Indian corn, and farmers and their animals ate that themselves. There was, of course, a small surplus. A trickle of livestock and logs made its way down the Susquehanna River and into Pennsylvania. Even smaller amounts made the tortuous and expensive trip overland to Albany.4 But most went downriver to Rochester.For many years the nearness of an unfriendly Canadian border and the fevers that threatened settlers near the lake kept farmers out of the lower Genesee. But the perfect mill site at the falls (the river drops two hundred feet within what is now downtown Rochester) had attracted attention from the beginning. In 1812 optimistic promoters laid out the village of Rochesterville. The town milled Genesee produce and sent it over the lake and up the St. Lawrence to Montreal, a touchy and unpredictable market subject to regulation by a foreign government that had farmers of its own.5 At the same time, primitive transportation kept the Genesee country largely dependent on its own resources. Scores of merchants and artisans set up shop in Rochester to sell goods imported from outside the region, and to turn livestock into salt meat and shoes and harnesses, wheat into flour and whiskey, and logs into lumber and furniture--all for sale back to the countryside. When workmen digging the Erie Canal reached Rochester in 1821, they found a busy village of 1,500 growing in symbiosis with the farming community of the Genesee Valley.Canal workers finished the through route to New York Cityin 1823. Overnight, the Genesee Valley became one of the great grain-growing regions of the world, and Rochester was America's first inland boom town. Assured cheap and easy access to the New York market, settlers plowed pastures and cornfields and planted wheat up to their doorways. Tilled acreage south of Rochester doubled between 1822 and 1835. Closer to the canal and to the mills at Rochester, it tripled. The region's only city stood at the center of its richest agricultural county.6 Rochester processed Genesee wheat and sent it on to New York City, and the growth of both town and country was measurable in barrels of flour. The town exported 26,000 barrels in 1818, a good pre-canal year. Ten years later the figure stood at 200,000, and by the close of the 1830s Rochester produced a half-million barrels of flour annually.7 In the same years the village grew from a few hundred to 20,000 persons.Rochester was first and last a mill town. Four- and five-story stone flour mills lined the river at the city's center and dominated the skyline as well as the economy. Of the town's 117 manufacturing establishments in 1827, 10 were flour mills. These accounted for 55 percent of Rochester's investment in manufactures, and a full 71 percent of its manufacturing output. 8 Built on plans developed in the 1790s by Oliver Evans, the mills were lessons in what could be done with water power and money. Boats pulled up alongside them and workmen shoveled grain into buckets on a vertical conveyor. Wheat went up the side, onto the top floors, and through machinery that cleaned it and ground it into flour, spread it on the floor to cool, picked it up, and dropped it into barrels. A visitor left one of these establishments gasping that it was "as full of machinery as the case of a watch."9The mills hired few men directly, and they made great fortunes for even fewer. But they were the linchpin in the Rochester economy. Commercialization enabled farmers to trade their surplus for manufactured goods, and the mills drew them into Rochester, paid them cash for their wheat, andsent them onto the streets looking for things to buy. Much of what they bought was imported. Westbound traffic on the canal carried finished goods as well as emigrants, and Rochester merchants stocked their shelves with finished goods from New York City and around the world. Its position at midpoint on the canal also made Rochester the wholesaler to country merchants, adding another strand to the ties that bound town and country.But imported goods were expensive. For everyday necessities the farmers continued to rely upon craftsmen in Rochester, and their insatiable demand turned the village into a manufacturing city. More than half the adult men in Rochester were skilled artisans, most of them engaged in turning local raw materials into finished goods for sale back to the countryside. The sixty-five workshops of 1823 concentrated on the necessities and little luxuries of rural life: guns and nails, shoes, hats, woolen cloth, wagons, furniture, farm tools--even jewelry and mirrors.10 These last testify to a growing prosperity and urbanity in the countryside. By the late 1820s merchants' stocks of imported silks and fine wines had grown, and the Rochester market supported three bookstores. Artisans now made carriages as well as wagons, and builders moved out to duplicate Rochester's Greek Revival mansions on the greens of Palmyra and Geneseo and other valley towns. In 1835 a Rochester manufactory began filling the parlors of those homes with that seldom-played symbol of the Anglo-American bourgeoisie, the piano--testimony to the "increasing wealth and improving taste of the people of the surrounding country, as well as of the city."11Most Rochester entrepreneurs made their money in direct dealings with farmers, and engagement in a rural economy and conformity to its norms sustained a peculiarly countrified urban business community. Of the ninety-two merchants, millers, and manufacturers who made up Rochester's richest tenth of taxpayers in 1827, thirty-two can be traced to theirplaces of birth. A full 84 percent of these were natives of inland New England and thus shared the cultural inheritance of their customers in the hinterland. They shared more than that, for most had moved into western New York early in their lives and had done business in the villages surrounding Rochester. Of the twenty-nine whose residences prior to arriving in Rochester are known, 59 percent came from towns that were within fifty miles of the city. Many of them kept substantial investments in the villages. Others relied...
Most helpful customer reviews
19 of 19 people found the following review helpful.
Excellent study of "The Burnt-Over District" of upstate NY.
By A Customer
New York State's construction of the Erie Canal transformed the tiny frontier town of Rochester into young America's first inland boom town, with an economy based on milling local grain and transporting the flour east to feed the older coastal cities. In this role, it became the prototype for all the thousands of commercial towns and cities that sprang up along railroads across the Midwest during the nineteenth century, as well as the crucible in which the Midwest's particular brand of evangelical protestant piety was first worked out. 'A Shopkeeper's Millenium' is by far the best examination of this important piece of American history I have found anywhere, and I recommend it highly.
13 of 13 people found the following review helpful.
An interesting microperspective on Rochester, New York during the Market Revolution
By EconGuy
A Shopkeeper's Millennium is in response to new interest in the Great Awakening. But while previous studies have explained the growth of multiple cities during this time period, Johnson's book focuses entirely on Rochester, arguing that it was "America's fist inland boom town" (33). A combination of factors, including improvements in inland transportation and prime geographical location, made Rochester an ideal place for opportunity and social mobility, according to Johnson. His book utilizes many rags to riches stories that effectively demonstrate how farmers started to become businessmen, which increased their revenues (16). One example is Johnson's illustration of how two of the ten richest men in 1827 Rochester grew up in poverty (28). The promise of rags to riches experiences led to an increase in migration from those seeking to advance their economic status, and Johnson discusses how this increased influenced and changed people's relationships, especially as citizens were constantly moving. With all of this social upheaval, Johnson argues, many turned to the churches for stability. With this milieu of social forces came the emergence of distinct social classes and pronounced party politics. Ultimately, Rochester offers a rich account of how these classes and party politics operated in early 19th century New York.
This book effectively explains how party politics emerged in response to the newly distinct social classes. According to Johnson, social classes started to become distinct after 1825. Johnson believes this happened because some of the middle class started to move away from their businesses and into side streets while the working class started to live in their own residential areas. Although some middle and working class peoples started to live in their own areas, there were some who decided to live in a mixed class area (48). Because of these distinct neighborhoods, political parties started to emerge to serve their interests. In particular, the book discusses how Whigs drew their support from church members and the middle class while Democrats drew their support from the working class (129). This created class conflict because each political party had its own class interest. For example, the Whigs cracked down on drinking by limiting four grocery licenses at forty and fifty dollars each (131). Workingmen were most affected by this policy because they became heavy drinkers during the revivals (58). This forced every drinking establishment in working class neighborhoods to either go out of business or operate illegally (131). Johnson successfully demonstrated the emergence of party politics through an effective use of methodology.
Johnson uses an effective use of methodology in this book. The author uses first hand accounts to provide a better description. For example, the author used a first hand account to effectively describe theatre crowds as being "rowdy" (54). The author uses statistical analysis to demonstrate change. He used statistics to show the changes of householders headed by proprietors from 1827 to 1830, which showed a decrease in percent change (107). Another effective use of statistical analysis was "In 1826 an editor estimated that 120 persons left Rochester every day, while 130 more arrived to take their place" (36). This shows the difficulties of lower class peoples to settle in. A Shopkeeper's Millennium uses first hand accounts and statistical analysis to achieve the goals of this book.
Although this book is a detailed account of Rochester, it does have some weaknesses. One of the main weaknesses of the book is that it does not provide enough background information about the Great Awakening. Also, it provides little information about the women's reaction to the changes. Women's reactions to this economic and social change are as important as other groups because women belong to the same social structure. Another weakness of this book is that it could have been longer. As mentioned earlier, the book could have added much needed background information as well as women's reaction to make this book longer and more effective. Even though A Shopkeeper's Millennium has many strengths, the weaknesses make this book fall short of being great.
Overall, A Shopkeeper's Millennium is a good book that is well written. This well-written book is also well organized. Each chapter's goal is clearly defined and has an effective introduction, body, and conclusion. Unlike other books in this genre, A Shopkeeper's Millennium focuses on the transformation of one city instead of multiple cities. This allows the author to show effects on different social groups more effectively by their responses to policies that directly affected them. This book is also well written and easily understood by anyone who is interested in Rochester, New York during 1815-1830. A Shopkeeper's Millennium is a must read for anyone who wants to understand the economic, political, religious, and social transformation in early America.
18 of 20 people found the following review helpful.
Highly readable social history.
By Glenn M. Harden
Paul Johnson's highly readable case study of Finney-inspired revivals in Rochester argues that these revivals were a response to the breakdown of social relationships involving work. His research finds that the revivals converted the relatively stable entrepreneurial class of Rochester who had recently abandoned former traditional employer-employee relationships where the employee boarded within the home of the employer. The revival legitimized this abandonment (and the resulting free labor system) by emphasizing the individual's moral freedom. Furthermore, the revival united the entrepreneurial class behind a mission-oriented Protestantism that enabled them to assert economic pressure, and a measure of social control, over the working class. While clearly sympathetic to the working class perspective, Johnson does not create a Protestant hegemonic conspiracy where none existed. Although one may dissent from his fundamental assumptions and approach, Johnson's argument is quite effective within the framework he has set for himself. I recommend this work to students of religion and society and antebellum reform.
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