Free PDF The Last Years of the Monroe Doctrine, 1945-1993, by Gaddis Smith
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The Last Years of the Monroe Doctrine, 1945-1993, by Gaddis Smith
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When President Monroe issued his 1823 doctrine on U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere, it quickly became as sacred to Americans as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. But in the years after World War II - notably in Guatemala in 1954, in Brazil in 1963, in Chile in 1973, and in El Salvador in the 1980s - our government's policy of supporting repressive regimes in Central and South America hastened the death of the very doctrine that had been invoked to protect us in the Cold War, by associating its application with torture squads, murder, and the denial of the very democratic ideals the Monroe Doctrine was intended to protect. Gaddis Smith's measured but devastating account is essential reading for all those who care how the United States behaves in the world arena."This epilogue to well-known history of Monroe Doctrine is a provocative interpretation of how US presidents resolved policy contradiction of accepting Soviet presence in the Caribbean while reaffirming tenets of Monroe Doctrine"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57.
- Sales Rank: #1164332 in Books
- Published on: 1995-11-30
- Released on: 1995-11-30
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x .66" w x 6.00" l, .94 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 280 pages
From Publishers Weekly
President Monroe's 1823 message to Congress, declaring that the U.S. would brook no foreign intervention in our hemisphere, became a Cold War tool to justify Latin American dictatorships, CIA-funded death squads and repressions to ward off an alleged communist threat, contends Smith, a history professor at Yale. In a cogent study, he explains how the U.S. molded the U.N. Charter to bar the U.N. from political involvement in the West. Eisenhower used the Monroe Doctrine as a cover to overthrow Guatemala's liberal reformist president Jacobo Arbenz in 1954, replacing him with a dictator. Critics blasted Kennedy for failing the Doctrine by allowing Cuba to become a "Soviet protectorate." Ostensibly to prevent another Cuba, the efforts of LBJ and Nixon to bolster repressive regimes in Brazil and Chile were "infused with Monroeism," and Reagan invoked it in his proxy war against Nicaragua's Sandinistas. Smith argues that the Doctrine has become irrelevant with the end of the Cold War.
Copyright 1994 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Library Journal
The Monroe Doctrine, first proclaimed by President James Monroe in 1823, has served as a guidepost for American policy toward Latin America for 170 years. Smith, one of our most prominent diplomatic historians and director of Yale's Center for International and Area Studies, provides an historical overview of our use of this doctrine in our sometimes tortuous relations with our neighbors to the south. Smith's basic point is that with the demise of the Soviet Union, the Monroe Doctrine and its use as a justification for American intervention in the affairs of nations below the Rio Grande has passed into history. Indeed, Smith argues, even by the 1980s, U.S. activities in Panama, Nicaragua, and Grenada were defended as necessary not because of fears of Soviet aggression but by concerns over such local issues as drug smuggling and failing economies. This is solid and informative history written by a well-established master of the craft. Recommended for all libraries.
Ed Goedeken, Iowa State Univ. Lib., Ames
Copyright 1994 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Booklist
In this compact treatise on the one diplomatic concept (besides containment) that the average citizen has heard of, the highly regarded Smith pronounces dead the Monroe dictum and all its corollaries, a demise he doesn't lament (Smith dislikes interventions invoked under the doctrine), but that still must be autopsied. To his mind, the Cuban missile crisis and Kennedy's acquiescence in a Soviet base were not a refutation of the doctrine, as critics have charged, but an inevitable consequence of the nuclear age. But the real actuator of decline, in Smith's view, was not the bomb, but, in a sense, the venerable George Kennan. In 1950 Kennan wrote a policy paper, just recently declassified (the scoop in this book), that advised U.S. reliance on authoritarian regimes to stop communism. Smith acerbically recounts how presidents followed Kennan's advice in Guatemala, Brazil, Chile, Nicaragua, and Granadaall of which Smith disapproves. With its point of view and crystal clear writing, Smith's requiem will excite the diplomatic chattering classes, and perhaps amateurs as well. Gilbert Taylor
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