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The nature of Weimar's terminal crisis - how a politically liberal and culturally progressive society could succomb to fascism - remains one of the central historical questions of our century. In this major work, Detlev J.K. Peukert offers a stimulating interpretation that not only places Weimar in the history of twentieth-century Germany but also reveals it as an archetype of the ambivalences and pathologies of advanced industrial society.
- Sales Rank: #255237 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Hill and Wang
- Published on: 1993-09-01
- Released on: 1993-09-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x .79" w x 6.00" l, .90 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 360 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
From Publishers Weekly
Born out of national defeat in 1918, the Weimar Republic launched Germany on an experiment in modernity under the least propitious circumstances. In an outstanding scholarly study that is likely to spark controversy, late German historian Peukert ( Inside Nazi Germany ) claims that the distinctive national characteristics of German history and of Weimar do not all point in a direct line to the Nazi seizure of power in 1933. Weimar's fragile attempt at democracy, he contends, was destroyed by a steady retreat from political compromise and by a continuous shrinking of the material and economic base, which prevented the liberal government, with its welfare structure, from gaining real legitimacy in the eyes of the German people. Interpreting Weimar as a brief, headlong tour of the fateful choices made possible by the modern world, this rigorous history explores the paradox of a society that spawned avant-garde cultural breakthroughs amid bleak poverty and political breakdown.
Copyright 1992 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Library Journal
This relatively brief history appeared first in German in 1987, three years before the author's death. Now in a sound English translation, it offers a wide-ranging social, political, and economic analysis. While not arguing that the Weimar experiment in democracy was doomed to fail, Peukert ( Inside Nazi Germany , Yale, 1989) clearly suggests that a general "crisis of modernity" rendered a happy outcome most unlikely. Especially good at describing the era's economic problems and class struggles, he fails to do full justice to such social themes as gender and age conflict, which he introduces only to pass over too quickly. Based almost entirely on secondary works in German, the book contains occasional broad generalizations that, together with an overuse of the passive voice, result in imprecision. Nonetheless, it is well-crafted, sober, and succinct, well suited to its intended audience of undergraduate readers and the informed general public. -- James B. Street, Santa Cruz P.L., Cal.
Copyright 1992 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Kirkus Reviews
Peukert, who died in 1990 at age 39, also wrote Inside Nazi Germany: Conformity, Opposition and Racism in Everyday Life. This new book is not quite everyday life under the Weimar Republic, but it does shift the emphasis from the doings of a few old men--the military elite who handed the country over to Hitler--to the prevailing anguish among all classes of Germans during the 12 years the Republic survived. Peukert sums up this anguish as ``the crisis of classical modernity.'' He notes that, since 1870, Germany had already been subjected to an accelerated process of modernization: industrialization, urbanization, bureaucratization, rationalization of daily life. Dislocations that were mild and bearable under the prosperous empire became killers in the Weimar years, after military defeat and with two horrendous economic crises in ten years. Weimar, in short, was not something completely new in German history. It was more of the same under impossible conditions. Peukert offers new angles on the period, all designed to show that it wasn't some fatal flaw in the German character that produced Hitler, but a series of complex problems all striking at once. Demographics, for example: A baby boom in 1900-10 flooded the job market just at the start of the Depression, and the Nazis recruited heavily among these young unemployed. Peukert also points out surprising continuities between Weimar and what followed. Laws against abortion and homosexuality never came off the books in those supposedly freewheeling years. Women who were married weren't supposed to work, were even fired from civil-service jobs. Nazi race madness was anticipated by a concern for eugenics by both the right and the left, going back decades. Writing to amplify and correct other historians, Peukert is dense, allusive, and sometimes crabbed. This is definitely not Weimar for beginners, and perhaps is best read as part of Germany's process of Vergangenheitsbew„ltigung--coming to terms with the past. Or as a warning of how long stretches of hard times can bring out the worst in people. -- Copyright ©1992, Kirkus Associates, LP. All rights reserved.
Most helpful customer reviews
4 of 13 people found the following review helpful.
NOT the Kindle book!
By Allan Drazen
Peukert's book is excellent (desrves 5 stars), but the Kindle book is not this book, even though it is linked to this one.
6 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
A Concise History of 1918-1933
By Acute Observer
Detlev Peukert was a professor of modern history at the University of Essen. This book covers the history from the failed revolts of 1918 to the Enabling Act of 1933. The important dates are in the `Chronology' on pages 282 to 289. The defeat in WW I ended the monarchy but left the aristocracy (big landowners) and corporate owners in power. The Social Democrats, Liberals (middle class) and the Catholic Center Party contended for control of Germany. The government was influenced by the aristocracy and against ordinary workers and people, and the splinter parties. The former ruling class enabled the Nazis to gain power legally (p.280). The hyperinflation was a way to impoverish people who did not own productive property but only paper wealth. This hardship caused suicide rates to soar. The aristocracy used the Freikorps, SA, and the NSDAP to suppress popular political parties.
The military defeat of Germany caused the Kaiser to abdicate and Ludendorff to resign. A civilian government took power (p.28). The Social Democrats did not introduce democratic reforms or purge the aristocratic officer class (p.30); they did call for new elections and a new constitution (p.31). Armed groups moved against protesting workers (p.32). The Weimar Coalition was in power (p.33), it relied on the military and bureaucracy (p.34). Did proportional representation contribute to the collapse of the Republic (p.38)? The emergency powers of Article 48 gave the President sovereign authority (p.39). Listing basic rights did not deliver them (p.41). The Versailles Treaty is explained as the result of Germany's defeat (pp.42-46). The real problems were the existence of anti-republican elites in government and the army, and the loss of republican sentiments among the middle class (p.50). Chapter 3 discusses the Post-War Crisis. Since the Allies were in debt to America they needed reparations from Germany (p.53). France wanted to split up Germany (as it had been prior to 1866) [this probably would have prevented WW II] (p.57). Inflation was caused by the German government that printed paper money instead of raising taxes to pay for the war (pp.62-64). One problem was the counter-revolution and the anti-republican reaction it fostered. The Freikorps and other groups eventually led to the victory of the NSDAP. The Kapp putsch was defeated by a General Strike (p.69).
Part II begins by saying this history is not purely chronological, and we get essays on demographics (Chapter 4). Trade Unions had a right to partake in decisions affecting employees (Chapter 5). But `rationalization' created higher unemployment (p.117) with political consequences. The Big Corporations decided to attack parliamentary government (p.126). The "science" of eugenics was thought to create a perfect society (p.139). Part IV describes foreign policy and domestic politics. Inflation and falling prices for agriculture created dissatisfaction (p.234). The World Economic Crisis hit Germany hard (because of the previous hyperinflation) and this caused a rejection of the political system (Chapter 13). There was mass unemployment and misery (p.252). High unemployment led to street gangs (p.254). The Brüning Government ruled by decree to bypass Parliament (Chapter 14) for its reactionary policies (p.261). To gain mass support they allied with the NSDAP (p.267). This ruling class handed power to the Nazis (p.280), it wasn't a putsch. Peukert compared this to a nuclear power station when a sequence of critical events causes a meltdown (p.281).
22 of 22 people found the following review helpful.
An excellent, well-written, informative book for layman or professional
By Paul B. Dunlap
I completely disagree. with galwaygirl's review I am just an amateur student of history, with no considerable prior knowledge of this period or Germany in general, and I found Peukert's book very understandable, concise and informative. Yes, it is dense, as any detailed history book has to be to do justice to its subject. As a reader, I did find I had to stop periodically and work to consolidated my thoughts to retain comprehension, but of course that's to be expected. Bottom line, I learned alot, and did not lose patience with the writing, and I am not the most patient fellow on earth.
Also, it is correct that this book focuses alot on social-economic conditions, but its discussion of politics is by no means destitute. Perhaps the reviewer meant that Peukert doesn't discuss personal politics and party politics in minutia, which is true, but the discussion of general political trends, their causes and effects is excellent.
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